FriendsofLibertyAdditionalResources

**Select Recommended Websites**

**“African-American Heritage in Berkshire County.” Massachusetts College of Liberal Arts.** [] Scroll down the page for links to books and primary sources related to Agrippa Hull.

 **“African Americans and the End of Slavery in Massachusetts.” Massachusetts Historical Society.** [] Part of an extensive site from the Massachusetts Historical Society, highly useful for both teachers and students with historical information, primary sources, and featured items from the MA Historical Society collections.

**“Agrippa Hull.” Africans in America. PBS.** []  This site provides a short biography of Agrippa Hull along with access to primary sources (Sedgwick and Hull letter and Hull portrait).

**“Agrippa Hull Enlists, May 1, 1777.” Mass Moments.**  [] This site provides a textual account and radio broadcast of the enlistment of Agrippa Hull in the Continental Army on May 1, 1777.

**Boston** **University** **//World of Ideas// (Sept. 28, 2008**). [] This show aired a lecture presented by the African-American Studies Program at Boston University, as part of the 200th anniversary of the ending of the US-Atlantic slave trade. The speaker of the lecture, titled //“Agrippa Hull: New Perspectives on a Berkshire Revolutionary Patriot,”// was UCLA Professor Gary Nash.

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;">**“Jefferson's Blood.” Frontline. PBS.** <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;">[] <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;">Video chapters and reports from the Frontline show “Jefferson’s Blood.” The site emphasizes Thomas Jefferson, his slave and mistress Sally Hemings, their descendants, and the “mysterious power of race.”

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;">**Massachusetts** **Constitution, 1780.** <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;">[]

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;"> **‘Patriots of Color – Revolutionary War.’** Fold3 (Formerly Footnote.com). <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;">[] <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;">Site with biographies of a number of Revolutionary War African American patriots.

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;"> “ ** Tadeuz Kosciuszko’s Last Will and Testament.” **** Polish-American Heritage Database. ** <span style="background-color: initial; font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;"> [] <span style="background-color: white; font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;">An excerpt from Kosciuszko’s May 5, 1798 last will and testament.

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;">** “Tadeuz Kosciuszko.” Wikipedia. ** <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;">[] <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;">The Wikipedia entry for Tadeuz Kosciuszko contains a number of “creative commons” images related to Kosciuszko’s life and memory, including portraits, photographs of numerous memorials to Kosciuszko located across Europe and the U.S., and photos of locations important in Kosciuszko’s life.

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 14px;">**“****Upper Housatonic Valley African American Heritage Trail.” Upper Housatonic Valley National Heritage Area.**

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 14px;">[]

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 14px;">[]

<span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 14px;">The African American Heritage Trail encompasses 29 Massachusetts and Connecticut towns in the Upper Housatonic Valley National Heritage Area, and celebrates African Americans in the region who played pivotal roles in key national and international events, as well as ordinary people of achievement.

Included below are:
 * <span style="font-family: Arial,Helvetica,sans-serif; font-size: 110%;">Select Primary Sources **
 * Benjamin Banneker's letter to Thomas Jefferson, August 1791 **


 * Letters of Edward Coles: Edward Coles to Thomas Jefferson Author(s): Edward Coles, //The William and Mary Quarterly//, Second Series, Vol. 7, No. 2 (Apr., 1927), pp. 97-113 **


 * St. **** George Tucker – Dissertation on Slavery (1796) An Excerpt **


 * Benjamin Banneker's letter to Thomas Jefferson, August 1791 **

SIR, I AM fully sensible of the greatness of that freedom, which I take with you on the present occasion; a liberty which seemed to me scarcely allowable, when I reflected on that distinguished and dignified station in which you stand, and the almost general prejudice and prepossession, which is so prevalent in the world against those of my complexion.

I suppose it is a truth too well attested to you, to need a proof here, that we are a race of beings, who have long labored under the abuse and censure of the world; that we have long been looked upon with an eye of contempt; and that we have long been considered rather as brutish than human, and scarcely capable of mental endowments.

Sir, I hope I may safely admit, in consequence of that report which hath reached me, that you are a man far less inflexible in sentiments of this nature, than many others; that you are measurably friendly, and well disposed towards us; and that you are willing and ready to lend your aid and assistance to our relief, from those many distresses, and numerous calamities, to which we are reduced. Now Sir, if this is founded in truth, I apprehend you will embrace every opportunity, to eradicate that train of absurd and false ideas and opinions, which so generally prevails with respect to us; and that your sentiments are concurrent with mine, which are, that one universal Father hath given being to us all; and that he hath not only made us all of one flesh, but that he hath also, without partiality, afforded us all the same sensations and endowed us all with the same faculties; and that however variable we may be in society or religion, however diversified in situation or color, we are all of the same family, and stand in the same relation to him.

Sir, if these are sentiments of which you are fully persuaded, I hope you cannot but acknowledge, that it is the indispensible duty of those, who maintain for themselves the rights of human nature, and who possess the obligations of Christianity, to extend their power and influence to the relief of every part of the human race, from whatever burden or oppression they may unjustly labor under; and this, I apprehend, a full conviction of the truth and obligation of these principles should lead all to. Sir, I have long been convinced, that if your love for yourselves, and for those inestimable laws, which preserved to you the rights of human nature, was founded on sincerity, you could not but be solicitous, that every individual, of whatever rank or distinction, might with you equally enjoy the blessings thereof; neither could you rest satisfied short of the most active effusion of your exertions, in order to their promotion from any state of degradation, to which the unjustifiable cruelty and barbarism of men may have reduced them.

Sir, I freely and cheerfully acknowledge, that I am of the African race, and in that color which is natural to them of the deepest dye; and it is under a sense of the most profound gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, that I now confess to you, that I am not under that state of tyrannical thraldom, and inhuman captivity, to which too many of my brethren are doomed, but that I have abundantly tasted of the fruition of those blessings, which proceed from that free and unequalled liberty with which you are favored; and which, I hope, you will willingly allow you have mercifully received, from the immediate hand of that Being, from whom proceedeth every good and perfect Gift.

Sir, suffer me to recal to your mind that time, in which the arms and tyranny of the British crown were exerted, with every powerful effort, in order to reduce you to a state of servitude : look back, I entreat you, on the variety of dangers to which you were exposed; reflect on that time, in which every human aid appeared unavailable, and in which even hope and fortitude wore the aspect of inability to the conflict, and you cannot but be led to a serious and grateful sense of your miraculous and providential preservation; you cannot but acknowledge, that the present freedom and tranquility which you enjoy you have mercifully received, and that it is the peculiar blessing of Heaven.

This, Sir, was a time when you cleary saw into the injustice of a state of slavery, and in which you had just apprehensions of the horrors of its condition. It was now that your abhorrence thereof was so excited, that you publicly held forth this true and invaluable doctrine, which is worthy to be recorded and remembered in all succeeding ages : ``We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, and that among these are, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'' Here was a time, in which your tender feelings for yourselves had engaged you thus to declare, you were then impressed with proper ideas of the great violation of liberty, and the free possession of those blessings, to which you were entitled by nature; but, Sir, how pitiable is it to reflect, that although you were so fully convinced of the benevolence of the Father of Mankind, and of his equal and impartial distribution of these rights and privileges, which he hath conferred upon them, that you should at the same time counteract his mercies, in detaining by fraud and violence so numerous a part of my brethren, under groaning captivity and cruel oppression, that you should at the same time be found guilty of that most criminal act, which you professedly detested in others, with respect to yourselves.

I suppose that your knowledge of the situation of my brethren, is too extensive to need a recital here; neither shall I presume to prescribe methods by which they may be relieved, otherwise than by recommending to you and all others, to wean yourselves from those narrow prejudices which you have imbibed with respect to them, and as Job proposed to his friends, ``put your soul in their souls' stead;'' thus shall your hearts be enlarged with kindness and benevolence towards them; and thus shall you need neither the direction of myself or others, in what manner to proceed herein. And now, Sir, although my sympathy and affection for my brethren hath caused my enlargement thus far, I ardently hope, that your candor and generosity will plead with you in my behalf, when I make known to you, that it was not originally my design; but having taken up my pen in order to direct to you, as a present, a copy of an Almanac, which I have calculated for the succeeding year, I was unexpectedly and unavoidably led thereto.

This calculation is the production of my arduous study, in this my advanced stage of life; for having long had unbounded desires to become acquainted with the secrets of nature, I have had to gratify my curiosity herein, through my own assiduous application to Astronomical Study, in which I need not recount to you the many difficulties and disadvantages, which I have had to encounter.

And although I had almost declined to make my calculation for the ensuing year, in consequence of that time which I had allotted therefor, being taken up at the Federal Territory, by the request of Mr. Andrew Ellicott, yet finding myself under several engagements to Printers of this state, to whom I had communicated my design, on my return to my place of residence, I industriously applied myself thereto, which I hope I have accomplished with correctness and accuracy; a copy of which I have taken the liberty to direct to you, and which I humbly request you will favorably receive; and although you may have the opportunity of perusing it after its publication, yet I choose to send it to you in manuscript previous thereto, that thereby you might not only have an earlier inspection, but that you might also view it in my own hand writing.

And now, Sir, I shall conclude, and subscribe myself, with the most profound respect, Your most obedient humble servant,

BENJAMIN BANNEKER.


 * Letters of Edward Coles: Edward Coles to Thomas Jefferson Author(s): Edward Coles, //The William and Mary Quarterly//, Second Series, Vol. 7, No. 2 (Apr., 1927), pp. 97-113 **
 * EDWARD COLES TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. **

Letters of Edward Coles: Edward Coles to Thomas Jefferson Author(s): Edward Coles, //The William and Mary Quarterly//, Second Series, Vol. 7, No. 2 (Apr., 1927), pp. 97-113 EDWARD COLES TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Washington July 31 1814

Dear Sir: I never took up my pen with more hesitation or felt more embarrassment then I now do in addressing you on the subject of this letter. The fear of appearing presumptuous distresses me, & would deter me from venturing thus to call your attention to a subject of such magnitude, & so beset with difficulties, as that of a general emancipation of the Slaves of Virginia, had I not the highest opinion of your goodness and liberality, in not only excusing me for the liberty I take, but in justly appreciating my motives in doing so. I will not enter on the right which man has to enslave his Brother man, nor upon the moral & political effects of Slavery on individuals or on society; because these things are better under- stood by you than by me. My object is to entreat & beseech you to exert your knowledge & influence in devising & getting into operation some plan for the gradual emancipation of Slavery. This difficult task could be less exceptionably & more successfully per- formed by the revered Fathers of all our political & social blessings than by any succeeding Statesmen; and would seem to come with peculiar propriety and force from those whose valor wisdom & virtue have done so much in meliorating the condition of man- kind. And it is a duty, as I conceive, that devolves particularly on you, from your known philosophical & enlarged view of subjects, & from the principles you have professed & practiced through a long & useful life, pre-eminently distinguished as well by being foremost in establishing on the broadest bases the rights of man, & the liberty & independence of your country, as in being throughout honored with the most important trusts by your fellow- citizens, whose confidence & love you have carried with you into the shades of old age & retirement. In the calm of this retirement you might most beneficially to society, & with much addition to your own fame, avail yourself of that love & confidence to put into complete practice those hallowed principles contained in that renowned Declaration, of which you were the immortal author, & on which we founded our right to resist oppression & establish our freedom and Independence. I hope the fear of failing, at this time, will have no influence in preventing you from employing your pen to eradicate this most degrading feature of British Colonial policy, which is still permitted to exist, notwithstanding its repugnance as well to the principles of our revolution as to our free institutions. For however highly prized & influential your opinions may now be, they will be still much more so when you shall have been taken from us by the course of nature. If therefore your attempt should now fail to rectify this unfortunate evil-an evil most injurious both to the oppressed & to the oppressor-at some future day when your memory will be consecrated by a grateful posterity, what influence, irresistible influence will the opinions & writings of Thomas Jefferson have on all questions connected with the rights of man, & of that policy which will be the creed of your disciples. Permit me then, my dear Sir, again to entreat you to exert your great powers of mind & influence, & to employ some of your present leisure, in devising a mode to liberate one half of our Fellow- beings from an ignomenious bondage to the other; either by making an immediate attempt to put in train a plan to commence this goodly work, or to leave human nature the invaluable Testament-which you are so capable of doing-how best to establish its rights: So that the weight of your opinion may be on the side of emancipation when that question shall be agitated, & that it will be sooner or later is most certain-That it may be soon is my most ardent prayer-that it will be rests with you. I will only add as an excuse for the liberty I take in addressing you on this subject, which is so particularly interesting to me, that from the time I was capable of reflecting on the nature of political society, & of the rights appertaining to man, I have not only been principled against slavery, but have had feelings so repugnant to it, as to decide me not to hold them; which decision has forced me to leave my native State, & with it all my relations & friends. This I hope will be deemed by you some excuse for the liberty of this intrusion, of which I gladly avail myself to as- sure you of the very great respect & esteem with which I am, my dear Sir, your very sincere and devoted friend,'

ON THE STATE OF SLAVERY IN VIRGINIA. In the preceding Enquiry[1] into the absolute rights of the citizens of united America, we must not be understood as if those rights were equally and universally the privilege of all the inhabitants of the United States, or even of all those, who may challenge this land of freedom as their native country. Among the blessings which the Almighty hath showered down on these states, there is a large portion of the bitterest draught that ever flowed from the cup of affliction. Whilst America hath been the land of promise to Europeans, and their descendants, it hath been the vale of death to millions of the wretched sons of Africa. The genial light of liberty, which hath here shone with unrivalled lustre on the former, hath yielded no comfort to the latter, but to them hath proved a pillar of darkness, whilst it hath conducted the former to the most enviable state of human existence. Whilst we were offering up vows at the shrine of Liberty, and sacrificing hecatombs upon her altars; whilst we swore irreconcilable hostility to her enemies, and hurled defiance in their faces; whilst we adjured the God of Hosts to witness our resolution to live free, or die, and imprecated curses on their heads who refused to unite with us in establishing the empire of freedom; we were imposing upon our fellow men, who differ in complexion from us, a _slavery_, ten thousand times more cruel than the utmost extremity of those grievances and oppressions, of which we complained. Such are the inconsistencies of human nature; such the blindness of those who pluck not the beam out of their own eyes, whilst they can espy a moat, in the eyes of their brother; such that partial system of morality which confines rights and injuries, to particular complexions; such the effect of that self-love which justifies, or condemns, not according to principle, but to the agent. Had we turned our eyes inwardly when we supplicated the Father of Mercies to aid the injured and oppressed; when we invoked the Author of Righteousness to attest the purity of our motives, and the justice of our cause;[2] and implored the God of Battles to aid our exertions in its defence, should we not have stood more self convicted than the contrite publican! Should we not have left our gift upon the altar, that we might be first reconciled to our brethren whom we held in bondage? Should we not have loosed their chains, and broken their fetters? Or if the difficulties and dangers of such an experiment prohibited the attempt during the convulsions of a revolution, is it not our duty to embrace the first moment of constitutional health and vigour, to effectuate so desirable an object, and to remove from us a stigma, with which our enemies will never fail to upbraid us, nor our consciences to reproach us? To form a just estimate of this obligation, to demonstrate the incompatibility of  a state of slavery with the principles of our government, and of that revolution upon which it is founded, and to elucidate the practicability of its total, though gradual, abolition, it will be proper to consider the nature of slavery, its properties, attendants, and consequences in general; its rise, progress, and present state not only in this commonwealth, but in such of our sister states as have either perfected, or commenced the great work of its extirpation; with the means they have adopted to effect it, and those which the circumstances and situation of our country may render it most expedient for us to pursue, for the attainment of the same noble and important end.[3]
 * St. **** George Tucker – Dissertation on Slavery (1796) An Excerpt **